Beyond rhetoric: four reforms that would genuinely strengthen local governance

The restrictions imposed under the latest amendments to the Decentralisation Act have been met with widespread resentment and opposition from local councils.

Since assuming office in November 2023, President Mohamed Muizzu has repeatedly pledged to enhance local governance through legal changes. Among the proposed changes is the abolition of atoll councils, a move that in practice risks weakening collective advocacy and turning the legislature into a patchwork of local lobbyists rather than a body of national representatives.

Transparency Maldives and other advocates of good governance have described these changes as a deliberate attempt to undermine decentralisation and tighten central government control over local affairs.

So what would genuine reform actually look like?

If the government is sincere about strengthening local governance, it must pursue reforms that expand representation and preserve local authority, not diminish them. In my view, any reform should guarantee two essential conditions: First, democratic representation must not be reduced. Second, powers, discretion, and authority must not be weakened in any form.

With these principles in mind, I outline several key reforms that could meaningfully improve the system.

In Malé, councillors are elected from separate constituencies rather than through city-wide voting. This structure fragments priorities and discourages a unified vision for the capital. Introducing city-wide ballots for at least some council seats could foster broader representation and a shared strategic outlook, both of which are sorely missing under the current system.

Smaller constituencies are also more vulnerable to manipulation. Consider Malé’s 16 parliamentary seats. If the city were treated as a single constituency, the top 16 vote-getters could be elected through a city-wide ballot, ensuring broader legitimacy. Currently, each constituency represents roughly 5,000 people, with perhaps only 1,500 actually voting. A candidate can therefore win with as few as 500 votes. Such a system encourages vote-buying, corruption, and the rise of narrow or extremist agendas rather than inclusive, citywide policymaking.

Another source of confusion is the misalignment between parliamentary and council constituency boundaries. For example, the Galolhu North seat I represent in the city council does not share the same boundaries as the Galolhu North constituency in the People’s Majlis. This inconsistency creates unnecessary administrative confusion and weakens public understanding of representation. Aligning constituency boundaries would bring much-needed coherence to both governance and elections.

At present, women’s seats on city councils are allocated through a random draw, with only women allowed to contest these seats. While the intention of ensuring gender representation is commendable, this quota system often leads to complaints that men’s electoral rights are being violated in the name of gender equity. More worryingly, it reinforces the false notion that women cannot compete on an equal footing with men.

A better model can be drawn from Sri Lanka. There, a certain percentage (25 percent) of local council seats are reserved for women, distributed proportionally according to the votes each party receives. 

Applying this model to Malé would mean reserving six of the sixteen seats for women. Both men and women could contest the remaining seats in city-wide elections, while the reserved seats would be filled by women pre-listed by parties before the election. This approach ensures fair competition while safeguarding gender representation.

Currently, Malé City councillors have no defined administrative, organisational, or implementation powers. Our role is largely limited to providing policy advice and making decisions during weekly council sessions. Despite this, each councillor receives a salary of MVR 35,000 (US$ 2,270). But the law does not mandate daily duties or responsibilities. While the mayor can assign tasks, councillors are legally not required to undertake administrative work. I understand that the situation may differ across island and atoll councils, but for Malé, the imbalance is striking.

Two possible solutions exist. The Decentralisation Act could be amended to create permanent committees within councils, granting councillors oversight powers in administration, implementation, and organisational matters. Alternatively, councillors could be made part-time representatives, receiving sitting allowances for weekly council meetings, while the mayor and deputy mayor remain full-time employees with full salaries. This arrangement would maintain representation while reducing recurrent expenditure.

Such a change would also broaden participation in local governance. Principals, health workers, social activists, and retirees who may not wish to hold full-time elected office could still serve as councillors alongside their regular professions. This would encourage capable individuals from various sectors to contest elections, enrich councils with professional experience, and ensure that local bodies reflect the diversity and expertise of their communities.

Relations between the government and the Local Government Authority, and more broadly between the government and local councils, have soured. The Local Councils Association’s opposition to the abolition of atoll councils and to the recent restrictions on council powers has been met with hostility. Rather than engaging in dialogue with elected representatives, the government appears intent on acting unilaterally with an attitude of “I know best.”

As a councillor, I find it difficult to be optimistic about the current trajectory of decentralisation reforms. Unless the government genuinely consults local councils and adopts reforms that protect representation and empower local decision-making, decentralisation in the Maldives will remain an empty promise, and local democracy will continue to erode.

  

Saif Fathih is a columnist at the Maldives Independent and a serving member of the Malé City Council for Galolhu North. With his educational background in communications, international studies and public policy, he previously worked as a journalist, editor and public policy advisor, with roles including senior policy director at the ministry of national planning and editor of Ocean Weekly Magazine. Saif began his career as a radio producer and presenter at Minivan Radio, writer for Minivan Daily, and translator for the British High Commission and the European Union Mission to Sri Lanka and the Maldives. He is also the host of Ithuru Vaahaka, the Maldives Independent podcast.