Isolate and manipulate: abolishing atoll councils fragments collective power
One island rewarded, another punished for dissent.

Artwork: Dosain
08 Oct, 3:20 PM
What happens when you take away an atoll's ability to speak as one? When islands are isolated administratively, it becomes far easier to manipulate local agendas. One island can be rewarded with a vanity project for political compliance, while others are punished for dissent. This form of clientelist favouritism thrives in a landscape where there is no overarching body to represent broader interests or hold the state accountable.
This is the future the government is engineering by abolishing atoll councils.
The recent push towards abolition represents a direct and calculated attack on decentralised governance in the Maldives. These moves are not isolated; they form part of a broader strategy designed to fracture collective voices, undermine unified advocacy, and entrench central control through divide-and-rule tactics.
For centuries, atolls have been the foundational administrative units of the Maldives. They are not merely geographic constructs but cohesive political, social, and economic communities. The existence of atoll councils has enabled coherent development strategies, effective service delivery, and a shared sense of responsibility and identity among islands within an atoll. Abolishing these councils severs this unity and replaces it with fragmented governance structures incapable of organising a robust collective response to national issues.
The move contravenes the constitution, Local Council's Association Chairman Mohamed Basheer argued.
"Article 230 of the constitution clearly states that, 'The administrative divisions of the Maldives shall be administered decentrally.' The Maldives has never known any administrative division other than atolls. So how can atoll councils be abolished? It is plainly unconstitutional," he said.
Divide and rule
Atoll councils have historically played a vital role in defending community interests in land and resource allocation. The Noonu Atoll Council, for instance, is currently in court with the central government over the leasing of uninhabited islands such as Tholhendhoo, without local consultation or regard for community needs. Without a unified atoll-level governance structure, such actions would likely have proceeded unchallenged.
Basheer explained the consequences: "Uninhabited islands and resorts are to atolls what non-residential and un-used areas are to a city. Abolishing atoll councils would mean atolls lose control over these shared spaces and resources – whether commercial, industrial, or agricultural."
Uninhabited islands have traditionally been under the stewardship of atolls. Removing councils dissolves that link. It opens the door for unchecked exploitation of local resources without oversight or accountability.
The referendum planned for late October in Addu is another example of this strategy. It asks Adduans to decide whether to continue as a single city administered under one council or to revert to being governed as separate islands. This seemingly innocuous administrative question masks a political agenda: to dilute collective bargaining power and disintegrate a unified political voice. A city council advocates for all, balances interests, and develops comprehensive strategies. Separate island councils foster narrow, localised interests, making coordinated planning impossible and allowing the central government to manipulate and divide.
Fragmented representation, centralised power
The same pattern of fragmentation is evident in the Majlis. Members of parliament are elected from small, island-based constituencies, which makes them accountable not to the atoll or region as a whole but to individual districts. As a result, MPs often pursue hyper-local interests while atoll-wide or national concerns are neglected. Most bills debated in parliament are national in scope, yet representatives tend to speak only from the narrow perspective of their constituencies. This weakens collective advocacy and reduces the legislature to a patchwork of local lobbyists rather than a body of national lawmakers.
The problem extends to the local level. In Malé, for instance, councillors are elected from separate constituencies instead of through city-wide voting, leading to fragmented priorities. Electing some councillors through city-wide ballots could help foster a more strategic, unified vision for the capital – something sorely missing under the current system.
Smaller constituencies also make manipulation easier. Consider the 16 parliamentary seats allocated to Malé. If the city were treated as a single constituency, the top 16 vote-getters could be elected through a city-wide ballot, ensuring broader legitimacy. Instead, when each seat represents about 5,000 people – with perhaps only 1,500 actually voting – a candidate could secure victory by buying as few as 500 votes. Such a system not only invites corruption but also encourages candidates to appeal to narrow segments or extremist ideologies rather than advocating for broad, inclusive policies.
By abolishing atoll councils, the government is replicating and expanding this fragmented governance model. Islands will begin to see themselves not as part of a unified atoll but as independent units. This leads to duplication of demands, with every island seeking its own hospital, university, or infrastructure project instead of working collectively to establish shared institutions based on scale and efficiency. Such fragmentation ensures perpetual underdevelopment and dependency, reinforcing centralized control.
Basheer pointed out that true decentralisation is about unity through cooperation: "Decentralised governance does not mean isolationism. The principle of union through division must apply. Separate islands should be grouped into political, economic, and social units that make sense – entities with critical mass and economies of scale sufficient for viable governance."
The erosion of collective democracy
The abolition of atoll councils is not a mere administrative reform. It represents a fundamental reshaping of the Maldivian state architecture and a rejection of the principle of subsidiarity – the idea that governance decisions should be made as close as possible to the people. It marks a retreat from the promise of decentralised democracy enshrined in the 2008 constitution and a return to a heavily centralised model where decisions are made far from those most affected by them.
At stake is not just local administration but the future of meaningful democracy and equitable development in the Maldives. A decentralised system offers not only efficiency and inclusivity but also resilience against authoritarianism. Weakening it by abolishing atoll councils and fragmenting city governance leaves communities vulnerable, disempowered, and voiceless.
Column By Saif Fathih
Saif Fathih is a columnist at the Maldives Independent and a serving member of the Malé City Council for Galolhu North. With his educational background in communications, international studies and public policy, he previously worked as a journalist, editor and public policy advisor, with roles including senior policy director at the ministry of national planning and editor of Ocean Weekly Magazine. Saif began his career as a radio producer and presenter at Minivan Radio, writer for Minivan Daily, and translator for the British High Commission and the European Union Mission to Sri Lanka and the Maldives. He is also the host of Ithuru Vaahaka, the Maldives Independent podcast.
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